The Politics of Memory: Historical Amnesia and the Struggle for Palestinian Justice

“We – who are capable of remembrance – are capable of liberation.” ―Mahmoud Darwish, Unfortunately, It Was Paradise

Introduction and Methodology

The persisting human rights crisis in Palestine today is as much of an assault on history and memory as it is on actual physical bodies. As I write this, the death toll in Gaza has surpassed 45,000 due to Israel’s continuous bombardment of the strip over the past 14 months (“Gaza Death Toll”). The bombing of the Gaza strip began when Hamas launched a large-scale attack on Israel on October 7th, 2023, resulting in significant casualties, including the death of 29 children (Giroux, “Killing Children”). To contrast, Israel’s retaliation was collective punishment, which led to the death of 5,500 Palestinian children by November 26th, 2023(Giroux, “Killing Children”). Since the one-year anniversary of October 7th, Western politicians and media outlets have commemorated the horrors faced by Israelis, but “what began on October 8th and continues until now” is pushed to the margins of history (Kreidie). We must actively resist the epistemological violence which distorts both history and memory, as such methodologies are utilized by Israel, those who defend Israel, Zionists, and other fascist, right-wing media outlets to erase the historical context that has led to the genocide in Palestine.

From the forced exile of Palestinians – also known as the catastrophe, or “Nakba” – in 1948, to the present-day military operations of displacement and occupation, Palestinian people have long endured systematic erasure from both collective memory and historical narratives at the hands of the fascist Israeli state (Haddad). De-historicization is a tactic utilized by right-wing media to justify the unfolding genocide in Palestine; this weaponization of memory serves to legitimize Israel’s land claims and justify the perpetuation of violence against Palestinians. Thus, we must actively resist the distortion of memory which treats October 7th as a solitary and separate act of senseless violence, existing in a political vacuum.

After the establishment of Israel in 1948, the colonial state seized 78 percent of historic Palestine, effectively displacing at least 750,000 Palestinians within or from their homeland (Haddad). The Nakba, thus, is an important starting point to resist the dehistoricization that occurs in the case of Palestine, especially to oppose the ​​rudimentary and violent claim that history began on October 7th. In their book, Nakba: Palestine, 1948, and the Claims of Memory, Lila Abu-Lughod and Ahmad H. Sa’di describe how the Nakba is “the demarcation line between two qualitatively opposing periods” in Palestinian memory and history, because post-1948, “the lives of the Palestinians at the individual, community, and national level were dramatically and irreversibly changed” (3). Israel, importantly, relies on censorship in the media and sanitized education to manipulate and suppress this important Palestinian history. In popular discourse, for example, “residential geographies [are] emphasised…rather than high-profile cultural spaces and heritage sites” (Webster 346). This is what some scholars, such as historian Ilan Pappé, refer to as memoricide – the “erasure of the history of one people in order to write that of another people’s over it” (Ishfaq). The memory of Palestine, therefore, requires great resistance to a cultural apparatus that insists on its dehistoricization, making its analysis critical. We must not let Palestinian culture and history be “written over.” As scholar Angela Davis succinctly describes, “Palestine is a moral litmus test for the world” (LeVine).

In this paper, I will explore the ways in which memory is weaponized by the Israeli state through (a)historical representations, media censorship, and the suppression of education, to support a broader agenda of genocide that is both ideological and physical. I will also address how this struggle to control historical narratives mirrors global patterns of cultural erasure and colonial violence in other colonized places, such as North America. Lastly, I will demonstrate how memory can be reclaimed as an emancipatory tool for the Palestinian cause. Memory can not only be a means of refusing dehistoricization, but it can also be a pathway toward imagining a liberated future for Palestinians. In doing so, I will highlight the importance of memory as an anti-colonial tool, and a necessary intervention in the struggle for the justice of Palestinian people and the preservation of human dignity.

The analytical approach I will use in this paper will not be grounded in the psychological, individual interpretations of memory, but the political and social interpretations. Although psychodynamic interpretation of memory certainly has its place, we cannot project one memory onto an entire people – especially because events such as the Nakba, and the ongoing genocide in Gaza, can only be situated in collective memory. This is incredibly important within cultural studies, but also because collective memory allows for dissent and resistance for all Palestinians. For instance, scholars Lila Abu-Lughod and Ahmad H. Sa’di highlight that when Palestinians remember the Nakba, what emerges “is a strong sense of the claims social memory makes about what happened in the past and what ought, morally, to be done in the present” (8). Thus, “Palestinian memory is, at its heart, political” – and this paper will assert accordingly (8).

Memory as a Site of Struggle: Historical Amnesia and Counter-History

What is considered historical truth relies on “the narratives, documents, and archives of the victors, as well as the realities they have imposed on the ground” (Abu-Lughod and Sa’di 6). This is especially true in the historical narrative that Israel and the West considers canonical about the origin story of Israel, and its historical amnesia regarding the Nakba. Of course, historical amnesia is more than simply forgetting – it is an active, violent institutionalized process used by Israel to deny and revise history and mythify its origin story. In this way, historical amnesia becomes a strategic tool for the maintenance of Israeli hegemony, which consolidates power by controlling what is remembered and forgotten.

Inversely, memory can give way for critically imagining otherwise and resisting the historical amnesia that permeates the Western and Israeli canonical archive. As scholar Siegfried Kracauer informs us, “there are always holes in the wall for us to evade and the improbable to slip in” (8). Memory is one of the few tools available for marginalized people – especially those who remember the Nakba – to resist hegemonic discourses which interpret what is considered truth or reality. Any narrative which resists this hegemony challenges the status quo.

This especially applies in the context of collective Palestinian memory and “its silencing by the thundering story of Zionism” (Abu-Lughod and Sa’di 6). Namely, the cultural apparatus has centered the dominant Zionist narrative to present the establishment of Israel as justified, while largely ignoring and distorting the violent dispossession and displacement of Palestinian land and people. However, in re-telling, recording, and sharing their memories of the Nabka to their children, Palestinian elders, for example, are refusing historical amnesia and contributing “to a counter-history” (Abu-Lughod and Sa’di 6). The resilience of Palestinian memory – preserved through these oral histories – continues to combat this erasure, challenging the canonical and hegemonic ahistorical account. Collective Palestinian memory and remembrance, then, is “dissident memory, counter memory” (Abu-Lughod and Sa’di 6).

Manufacturing Origin Stories I: Distortion of the Holocaust’s Memory and the Nakba

Alongside historical amnesia, Israeli-centered media and Zionists will weaponize decontextualized representations of the Holocaust to justify Israel’s land dispossession from Palestinians. In a new video with Truthout, historian Enzo Traverso argues that the Israeli state utilizes the memory of the Holocaust for political leverage. They do this by framing their violence against Palestinians as a continuation of their own existential struggle of Jewish survival (Goodman and Jared). These contorted historical narratives minimize the uniqueness of the Holocaust by equating Israel’s violent and genocidal actions with the historical experience of Jewish persecution, as if the two can be conflated. As Travers points out, this distortion not only diminishes the distinct and horrifying history of the Holocaust, but also perversely casts Palestinians as ones to blame and punish (Goodman and Jared). Such historical misrepresentations enable the state to justify its violent policies, including the bombardment of Gaza today, by framing its violence as an act of self-defense against an imagined existential threat. As such, the memory of the Holocaust is cynically repurposed to legitimize Israel’s ongoing occupation and genocide in Gaza.

Lila Abu-Lughod and Ahmad Sa’di illustrate how historical amnesia mythifies Israel’s origin story, and this distortion of memory is used to “bind states and nations” – especially to create a sense of existential nationalism (6). However, Palestinian memory creates holes in the dominant narratives that Israel manufactures by providing a “counter-story [to] the myth of the birth of Israel” through stories of the Nakba. As such, many Palestinians are aware that “the Nakba is the touchstone of a hope for a reconstituted or refigured Palestine and a claim to rights” (6-7).

The Nakba, in the current hegemonic cultural apparatus, is reduced to a mere tragedy existing in a political vacuum. It is “overshadowed” by the “the death-rebirth dialectic” which is “applied to the Jewish people” and the Israeli nation-state (Abu-Lughod and Sa’di 4). The catastrophe and ethnic cleansing of Palestinians in 1948 is rewritten via the process of memoricide and reframed as the birth of Israel – the “good” outcome for Jewish people who had just escaped persecution and genocide in Europe. In this good-bad, death-birth dialectic, the creation of Israel was consequently framed “as an act of restitution that resolved this dialectic, bringing good out of evil” (4). But, in this rudimentary conception of history, the Nakba was rendered irrelevant; Palestinian experiences were tragic, to be sure, but they were brought about by ill-fate, “similar to the many millions around the world—those who wandered in Europe following the end of World War II” (4). This version of history actively ignores that Palestinian displacement is a direct result of colonial conquest, and instead, ahistorically reframes it as a consequence of global upheaval. Importantly, this distortion also minimizes the complex Palestinian history, resistance, cultural continuity, and political struggle that was occurring during the Nakba against Israeli colonization. Such simplified depictions depoliticize the Palestinian experience, allowing the dominant historical narrative perpetuated by Israel to avoid accountability.

Manufacturing Origin Stories II: Land as Terra Nullius

Israel is not the only colonizing power which has manufactured an origin story to justify land dispossession and ethnic cleansing. The falsification and distortion of a nation-state’s “origin story” has long been a tool employed by colonial powers to justify their violent occupation and erasure of Indigenous populations. In the case of Israel, this myth is most evident in the Zionist narrative that Palestine was an empty land, a concept which parallels a doctrine known as terra nullius – a latin term meaning “land belonging to no one” – used by settler-colonial powers across the globe, from the Americas to Australia, as justification for colonization (Brownfeld; Shah).

Across these colonial projects, including the establishment of Israel, the notion of terra nullius falsely frames land as previously uninhabited and devoid of any history, culture, or people deemed human under the rubric of white supremacy, thereby justifying the dispossession and violence against its Indigenous inhabitants. Of course, like the Americas and other lands that were colonized, scholars widely reject the claim that Palestine was an empty land, noting that it was home to a diverse population for centuries (Brownfield; Shah). The Romans, who first referred to the land as “Palestine,” ruled over it as a province, followed by various Muslim empire. By the time the Ottomans took control in 1517, the region had a predominantly Sunni Muslim society with a Jewish and Christian minority (Brownfield). Yet, in the Zionist narrative, these complex histories are rendered invisible in favor of a simplified, ahistorical claim that the land was unoccupied and ripe for settlement. This settler-colonial approach mirrors other historical examples, as historian Ilan Pappé argues, where European settlers justified their actions through the false belief in a divine or moral right to occupy the Americas (Brownfield). Whether in Palestine or the American subcontinent, colonizers and settlers claim that this “empty land” is ready to be occupied – a myth which serves not only to suppress rich Palestinian and Indigenous history, but also to legitimize Israel’s ongoing settler-colonial project and Palestinian land occupation.

Historical Amnesia and the Erasure of Palestinian History in Archives and Museums

In a parallel fashion, memory is important to examine as it provides a counter-archive, especially in the case of Palestine, where official state archives are actively erased to maintain Israel’s memoricide. Museums and archives are colonial tools, and Indigenous modes of archiving, such as oral storytelling, are often barred from these canons. In an article from Al-Jazeera, journalist Sen Somdeep describes how “museums are tools of terror, too” when it comes to Palestinian erasure of history. Sen provides many examples in the article, but a notable one is his visit to the Palmach Museum in Tel Aviv. Upon entering the museum, the “politics of erasure” were evident from the outset when a film was played to recreate Israel’s “War of Independence” (“How Israel Weaponises Museums”) Importantly, Sen highlights how, in this war, the violence was definitely being carried out against Palestinian communities, but in the museum, “Palestine and Palestinians were absent from the story.” In fact, he explains, “the terms ‘Palestine’ and “Palestinian’” were never used in the film (“How Israel Weaponises Museums”). This absence of Palestinian voices and experiences is not merely an oversight; it is a form of historical revisionism that serves the political goal of minimizing the moral and historical implications of the Nakba. Evidently, it is a form of symbolic erasure extending beyond the physical confines of the museum – it seeks to erase Palestinian memory and history altogether. This selective memory, as Sen suggests, is a critical tool in shaping hegemonic memory. Museums, thus, become critical sites in the contestation of historical truth and collective memory.

To add on, Israel does not only omit Palestinian history from museums and archives – it actively seeks to erase it. In her essay The Genealogy of Colonial Plunder and Erasure: Israel’s Control over Palestinian Archives, Dr. Rona Sela, a curator and researcher of visual history from Tel Aviv University, discusses how Israel “loots” Palestinian archives and treasures from public spheres through “censoring” and “restricting” them through their “colonial laws, rules, and terminology.” Sela specifically examines two significant cases: the Palestine Research Center and archives of Palestinian films in Beirut, both of which were plundered by Israel’s military control in the 1980s. Theft and manipulation of cultural and historical records highlights how, not only land and resources are taken by colonizers, but also the very means by which Indigenous people can define and preserve their own identity and history. Moreover, if archives are not completely destroyed, they are at the very least restricted, allowing Israel to exert control over the narratives surrounding the Palestinian experience, ensuring that these narratives cannot challenge or disrupt the dominant hegemonic Zionist historiography.

Sela’s essay shows how the control of archives becomes a form of epistemological violence; it is a method of historical erasure that is as potent as physical displacement. In the context of the Palestinian experience, such erasure is not incidental but integral to the logic of settler colonialism, where the very existence of Indigenous peoples must be rendered invisible or delegitimized to justify their displacement and dispossession. By controlling these archives, Israel not only seizes cultural memorabilia, but also appropriates the authority to define the past, present, and future of Palestinian identity. This control over the documentation of history renders Palestinians’ collective memory a contested space, with the colonial state actively working to shape it to align with its own political and ideological objectives. Unfortunately, Palestinians are stripped away from “the apparatus of history production” (Abu-Lughod and Sa’di 12).

Israel’s Ideological War of Censorship in Media

Today, censorship in the media regarding Palestinian history and memory is as strong as ever. These deliberate silences are manufactured, as Israel seeks to control the historical narrative being produced, especially post-October 7th, to ensure that the memory of the incident remains dehistoricized. As such, it is critical to examine the “gaps” in the media’s framing of Palestine. Sadly, these deliberate examples of censorship range far and wide, and are often extreme: there are calls to remove images of the violence Gaza on various news networks, and recently, there was controversy around using the name “Palestine” itself on CTV News (Paling).

To provide another example, in April of this year, journalist Howard Eric Jacobson took issue with the BBC’s “over-sharing” of images from Gaza, claiming that by showcasing Palestinian suffering, the network was “taking a side” in the Israeli-Hamas “conflict” (Sen, “Censorship Is a Crucial Complement of Genocide”). Nevertheless, there are considerable holes for resistance in this example: if the simple portrayal of something is equated to endorsement, then the mere existence of Palestinians must be enough to powerfully challenge the cultural apparatus and dominant historical narratives being maintained by Zionists and right-wing media. So much so, that the media feels compelled to suppress them.

Scholasticide and Repression of Dissenting Thought

The repression of dissenting thought in educational spaces, especially in Western academia, also contributes to the struggle of justice for Palestinians. This dissent is often marked by accusations of antisemitism, especially when reports on Gaza are only “occasionally contextualized and historicized”; in such cases, “the Israeli government and its defenders swiftly weaponize the charge of antisemitism against critics, especially Palestinians, but also Jews” (Giroux, “Scholasticide”). False accusations of anti-Semitism only deflect meaningful discourse and delegitimize valid critiques of Israeli policies. By framing any dissenting thought as rooted in prejudice, rather than political critique, Zionists maintain ahistorical hegemonic narratives.

Beyond accusations of anti-Semitism, scholars who critique Israeli policies or emphasize Palestinian suffering risk outright censorship of their books, as seen in the cases of Ilan Pappé. In fact, French publishers “Fayard” have ceased the publication of Ilan Pappé’s translated edition of The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine, where the historian highlights the Nakba as a “deliberate and systematic act aimed at the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians” in the establishment of Israel (Staff). The censorship of the Nakba, of course, is incredibly important to maintain the myth of Israel’s creation. Scholar Ahmad H. Sa’di identifies three primary modes through which Jewish supporters of the zionist project deny moral responsibility for the Nakba: “denying or hiding the historically documented violence; neutralizing the moral entailments of the Nakba by shifting the focus to less than relevant issues; and hard-heartedly affirming the facts of the Nakba but denying them any moral import” (Sa’di 287). These strategies of denial serve to obscure the reality of Palestinian suffering and erode the moral implications of the Nakba. Such tactics effectively reinforce a narrative that absolves the Israeli state of accountability; it perpetuates historical amnesia and prevents a full reckoning with the historical injustices that continue to shape the lives of Palestinians today. Sa’di’s analysis highlights how such forms of denial are not only historical distortions but also active mechanisms that sustain the ongoing erasure of Palestinian experiences in both public and academic discourse.

Similarly, the University of Arizona, just in November last year, fired Assistant Professor Rebecca Lopez for discussing Israel’s treatment of Gaza under the guise of “temporary replacement” (Sen, “Censorship Is a Crucial Complement of Genocide”). When silences are deliberately created in educational settings – spaces that should encourage open, critical discussion on Palestine and Israel – it becomes clear how dominant hegemonic narratives shape and influence the current cultural imagination. These manufactured silences produce political illiteracy, ahistorical narratives, and collective ignorance.

Ultimately, dissenting scholarly thought is needed more than ever as the genocide in Palestine continues. This is why “Israel has been so intent on targeting schools, journalists, and young people” – as these are all “vehicles for preserving a sense of collective identity” which centers a historicized narrative for critically imagining a world where Palestinian justice can be realized (Blend, “Invention”).

Memory as Possibility

Israel and its defenders rely on the maintenance of their apolitical and ahistorical narratives; therefore, historicization and remembrance is an emancipatory tool for Indigenous peoples, especially Palestinians. It can be a tool to “reclaim what was lost” and “a guard against erasure and extinction” (Blend, “The Power of Memory”). In the memoir A Mind Spread Out on the Ground, Mohawk writer Alicia Elliot reflects on the erasure of Indigenous memory in Canada as a form of ongoing colonialism which manifests as depression in Indigenous communities. This “depression could slip in entirely unnoticed,” if we are not careful, Elliot explains, “and dress itself up as normalcy” (4). The very format of Elliot’s book – a memoir – allows her to record Indigenous memory, and resist this “normalcy.” Remembering, in this way, combats the continuous oppressive apparatus of colonialism for Indigenous people.

In the Palestinian context, Edward Said similarly reflects on this idea in his essay, “Invention, Memory, and Place”, where he asserts the importance of collective memory for Palestinians. In their discussion of collective memory, Lila Abu-Lughod and Ahmad H. Sa’di highlight the power of oral storytelling in preserving and transmitting the traumatic experiences of the Nakba to future generations of Palestinians. They write, “many Palestinian refugees of the Nakba generation told their stories over and over, to their children and to each other” (11). This act of recounting, despite the pain and difficulty involved, becomes a method of anti-colonial resistance, serving as a counter-archive, against the erasure and de-historicization of Palestinian history. The importance of oral testimony is further emphasized by Abu-Lughod and Sa’di as they examine the limitations placed on Palestinian memory by accepted forms of Western colonial archive work, which discredits oral testimonies in favor of official state archives (12). Abu-Lughod and Sa’di’s analysis brings attention to how, without the “empathetic listener” who validates and acknowledges the testimony, these memories risk being silenced altogether (12). This is particularly significant in the case of Palestinian refugees, whose collective memory is continually undermined by the Israeli state-sanctioned historical record that seeks to erase their experiences and archives. For Palestinians, remembrance and oral retelling is a form of memory-work rooted in resilient “stubborn dissidence” – especially in the face of the “continuing violence and lack of resolution they must endure, and the political nature of the deliberate erasure of their story” (4-5).

Conclusion

Through historical amnesia, media distortion, and censorship, Israel has created a narrative that justifies its ongoing occupation of Palestinian land. However, as this paper has demonstrated, memory is not just an act of recollection for Palestinians – it is a powerful tool for resisting de-historicization and confronting epistemological violence which sanitizes history. By reclaiming their collective memory through various means – such as oral histories, counter-archives, and the remembrance of the Nakba – Palestinians challenge the hegemonic narratives imposed by Israel and the West. As such, Palestinian memory is both a site of struggle and a site of liberation. Just as Indigenous communities across the world resist colonial erasure through the reclamation of memory, Palestinians too turn their stories and histories into counter-archive.

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